Affichage des articles dont le libellé est Estados Unidos. Afficher tous les articles
Affichage des articles dont le libellé est Estados Unidos. Afficher tous les articles

dimanche 26 février 2012

L'Europe solidaire...

OP-ED COLUMNIST

America Is Europe

We Americans cherish our myths. One myth is that there is more social mobility in the United States than in Europe. That’s false. Another myth is that the government is smaller here than in Europe. That’s largely false, too.

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The U.S. does not have a significantly smaller welfare state than the European nations. We’re just better at hiding it. The Europeans provide welfare provisions through direct government payments. We do it through the back door via tax breaks.

For example, in Europe, governments offer health care directly. In the U.S., we give employers a gigantic tax exemption to do the same thing. European governments offer public childcare. In the U.S., we have child tax credits. In Europe, governments subsidize favored industries. We do the same thing by providing special tax deductions and exemptions for everybody from ethanol producers to Nascar track owners.

These tax expenditures are hidden but huge. Budget experts Donald Marron and Eric Toder added up all the spending-like tax preferences and found that, in 2007, they amounted to $600 billion. If you had included those preferences as government spending, then the federal government would have actually been one-fifth larger than it appeared.

The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development recently calculated how much each affluent country spends on social programs. When you include both direct spending and tax expenditures, the U.S. has one of the biggest welfare states in the world. We rank behind Sweden and ahead of Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, Denmark, Finland and Canada. Social spending in the U.S. is far above the organization’s average.

You might say that a tax break isn’t the same as a spending program. You would be wrong.

David Bradford, a Princeton economist, has the best illustration of how the system works. Suppose the Pentagon wanted to buy a new fighter plane. But instead of writing a $10 billion check to the manufacturer, the government just issued a $10 billion “weapons supply tax credit.” The plane would still get made. The company would get its money through the tax credit. And politicians would get to brag that they had cut taxes and reduced the size of government!

This is essentially what’s been happening in sphere after sphere. Government controls more and more of the economy. It just does it by getting people to do what it wants by manipulating the tax code. Politicians get to take credit for addressing problem after problem, but none of their efforts show up as unpopular spending.

Many of these individual tax expenditures are good for the country, like the charitable deduction and the earned income tax credit. But, as the economist Bruce Bartlett demonstrates in his impeccably fair-minded book, “The Benefit and the Burden,” the cumulative effect of these tax breaks is terrible. Like overgrown weeds, the tangle of tax breaks distorts behavior, clogs the economy and deprives the government of revenue.

And because they are hidden, many of the tax expenditures go to those who need them least, the well connected and established over the vulnerable and the entrepreneurial.

The good news is that change might finally be coming. The Obama administration has always theoretically supported a simpler tax code even while operationally it has often muddied it up. Nonetheless, this week, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner unveiled a modest but sensible plan to simplify the corporate tax code. The plan is not perfect. The Obama technocrats love tinkering and complexity. But Geithner’s plan moves us a small step in the right direction and provides a sensible foundation for the big tax negotiations to come.

Mitt Romney has a bigger proposal, which reduces individual rates across the board and closes some loopholes. It’s more comprehensive than the Geithner approach, but it suffers from two weaknesses. First, it’s politics as usual. Romney is specific about the candy — lower tax rates — but vague about the vegetables — what loopholes would have to be closed to pay for them.

Moreover, it’s unimaginative. Republicans are perpetually trying to do what Ronald Reagan did. But top tax rates today aren’t as onerous as they were in 1980, so lowering them won’t produce as many benefits. Imagine if Reagan ran for office promising to recreate the glory days of Thomas Dewey and you get a sense of how much G.O.P. thinking is stuck in the past.

Still, let’s take our good news where we can get it. Attention is shifting to tax expenditures and not just direct spending. It’s becoming clear how gargantuan, opaque and inefficient the U.S. government has become. Maybe before long our political leaders will actually summon the political will to take on the special interests that defend these tax breaks.

This should be the top priority: A tax reform effort that simplifies government frees the economy and focuses social support on those who actually need it. A left-right tax reform alliance to do that would break the political logjam as well as the economic one.

mercredi 25 janvier 2012

trade gap between US and China...

iPadded

The trade gap between America and China is much exaggerated

AMERICA’S trade deficit with China hit another record last year. Estimated at almost $300 billion, it made up over 40% of America’s total deficit. Yet official data grossly overstate US imports from China.

Take the iPad, which America imports from China even though it is entirely designed and owned by Apple, an American company. iPads are assembled in Chinese factories owned by Foxconn, a Taiwanese firm, largely from parts produced outside China. According to astudy by the Personal Computing Industry Centre, each iPad sold in America adds $275, the total production cost, to America’s trade deficit with China, yet the value of the actual work performed in China accounts for only $10. Using these numbers, The Economist estimates that iPads accounted for around $4 billion of America’s reported trade deficit with China in 2011; but if China’s exports were measured on a value-added basis, the deficit was only $150m.

The chart shows a geographical breakdown of the retail price of an iPad. The main rewards go to American shareholders and workers. Apple’s profit amounts to about 30% of the sales price. Product design, software development and marketing are based in America. Add in the profits and wages of American suppliers, and distribution and retail costs, and America retains about half the total value of an iPad sold there. The next biggest gainers are South Korean firms like Samsung and LG, which provide the display and memory chips, whose profits account for 7% of an iPad’s value. The main financial benefit to China is wages paid to workers for assembling the product and for manufacturing some inputs—equivalent to only 2% of the retail price.

 Find out how much of an Apple iPhone is actually a Samsung with our "teardown" infographic

China’s small contribution to total costs suggests that a yuan appreciation would have little impact on its exports. A 20% rise in the yuan would add less than 1% to the import price of an iPad. For imports such as clothing and toys the Chinese value added is much higher. But electrical machinery and equipment, with more complex cross-border supply chains, make up one-quarter of China’s exports to America. Pascal Lamy, the head of the World Trade Organisation, has suggested that if trade statistics reflected true domestic content, America’s deficit with China might be more than halved.

mardi 24 janvier 2012

Mitt Romney's effective federal income tax rate in 2010 of 13.9 percent....

Romney’s Tax Returns Show $21.6 Million Income in ’10

Mitt Romney and his wife, Ann, made $27 million in 2010. They held millions of dollars in a Swiss bank account and millions more in partnerships in the Cayman Islands. His family’s trusts sold thousands of shares in Goldman Sachs that were offered to favored clients when the storied investment house first went public. The couple’s effective federal tax rate for the year worked out to 13.9 percent, a rate typical of households earning about $80,000 a year.

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Mitt Romney delivered a speech on Tuesday morning at National Gypsum Company in Tampa, Fla. His campaign is calling it a "pre-buttal" to President Obama's State of the Union address.

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"It's distressing that when we read about our public servants these days, it more often than not has to do with their private equities and not their service to the public. "
Argun, Brooklyn, NY

Yet the hundreds of pages of tax documents released by Mr. Romney’s campaign on Tuesday morning did not readily reveal any elaborate financial legerdemain or exotic tax shelters. What Mr. Romney’s returns illustrated, instead, was the array of perfectly ordinary ways in which the United States tax code confers advantages on the rich, allowing Mr. Romney to amass wealth under rules very different from those faced by most Americans who take home a paycheck.

Those differences leapt to the front of the national debate on Tuesday when President Obama — whose family’s income was less than a tenth of Mr. Romney’s in 2010 but whose effective federal rate was double — called for higher taxes on the wealthy in his State of the Union speech.

Mr. Romney’s tax returns were posted on his campaign’s Web site on Tuesday morning after escalating pressure from the other Republican candidates, Democrats and even supporters, some of whom attributed his loss in South Carolina’s Republican primary last weekend to his shifting and tentative responses to questions about his wealth, tax burden and overseas investments.

The 547 pages of documents included 2010 federal income tax returns for the Romneys, the couple’s estimated 2011 return and returns for their charitable foundation and two blind trusts established in their names, as well as a trust established for their children.

The couple paid about $3 million in federal taxes on an adjusted gross income of $21.6 million, the vast majority of it flowing from myriad of stock holdings, mutual funds and other investments, including profits and investment income from Bain Capital, the private equity firm Mr. Romney retired from in 1999.

The couple reported no wage earnings in 2010. But in a conference call with reporters on Tuesday, Mr. Romney’s campaign counsel, Benjamin L. Ginsberg, said that Mr. Romney and his wife collected more than $7 million worth of Bain profits in 2010.

That money — about a quarter of the couple’s income during the last two years — came in the form of so-called carried interest. It would be taxed not as deferred regular income, but at the lower 15 percent rate normally reserved for long-term capital gains, thanks to federal tax rules that have sparked intense debate in recent years.

Mr. Obama and others have argued that carried interest should be taxed at the rates which normally apply to income earned by people providing services, topping out at 35 percent. If Mr. Romney’s carried interest income in the last two years had been taxed at that higher rate, he would have owed about $4.8 million in federal taxes, roughly $2.6 million more than he would typically be assessed under current rules.

And like most of the wealthy, the Romneys paid only a tiny sliver of their income in payroll taxes, which cut heavily into the weekly paychecks of wage earners but is barely a blip on the returns of the rich. While payroll taxes eat up 6 percent of the income of Americans earning the national median income of $50,221, Mr. Romney and his wife paid just one-tenth of 1 percent of their income in payroll taxes.

Mr. Romney’s 2010 returns also suggest he may have paid far less taxes the previous year. The 2010 return shows the family made estimated tax payments for 2009 of $1,369,095. To avoid penalties, estimated tax payments must be at least 110 percent of the taxes owed the prior year. Assuming that is what he paid, his federal tax bill for 2009 would have been $1,244,632, far less than in 2010.

Mr. Romney and other Republican candidates have not only opposed higher taxes on the wealthy, but also favor maintaining or expanding the relatively low rates for capital gains and interest income, breaks that Republicans and others favor as a way to spur investment and reward risk-taking but which critics say have fed the growing wealth gap.

Those reductions in taxes on investments began with a deal between Bill Clinton, a Democrat, and Mr. Romney’s chief rival for the Republican nomination, Newt Gingrich, then speaker of the House. They accelerated under President George W. Bush, who cut taxes on dividends and capitals gains to their current levels, and survived a push by Mr. Obama and the Democratic majorities in Congress in 2010 to restrict tax advantages for financial managers. Indeed, if Mr. Romney became president and won approval of his own tax proposals he would pay less in federal taxes than he would under current law.

Mr. Gingrich has proposed even steeper reductions, which would nearly eliminate Mr. Romney’s federal income tax burden. During the 15-minute conference call, Mr. Ginsberg argued that the documents should settle any lingering questions about Mr. Romney’s investments and tax burden. Mr. Romney’s tax return was “complicated — and it is also fully transparent,” he said.

But the documents suggest that the Romneys or the lawyer overseeing the family’s blind trusts, R. Bradford Malt, may have been sensitive to the political implications of at least some aspects of the family’s finances.

In 2010, about $3 million of the family’s assets were held in a UBS bank account in Switzerland. Mr. Malt said that the account complied with all Internal Revenue Service reporting requirements and that the family had paid all applicable taxes on the interest earned by those assets.

“It is a bank account,” Mr. Malt said. “Nothing more, nothing less.”

But the account was closed in 2010, at a time when UBS was at the center of a Justice Department investigation regarding tax evasion by American clients.

Mr. Malt also said that the Romneys’ holdings in the Cayman Islands, Bermuda, Ireland and other low-tax countries did not provide any reduction in their United States taxes.

Bain Capital, as well as Mr. Romney’s I.R.A., have significant holdings in funds based in the Caymans and other low-tax countries. But Mr. Malt said that Mr. Romney’s income is taxed at the same rate it would be if the funds were in the United States.

The campaign declined repeatedly to answer questions about whether holding some of Mr. Romney’s retirement investments in overseas vehicles may have allowed him to avoid a levy known as the unrelated business income tax, or UBIT.

The Romneys’ family foundation, the Tyler Charitable Foundation, made gifts to more organizations in 2010 than it had previously. The largest amount paid that year, as in the past, went to the Mormon Church. Mr. Bush’s presidential library in Dallas received the second-largest grant, $100,000.

Mr. Romney, a Mormon, tithes a portion of his income to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. In 2010, his tithe appeared to include about $1.6 million in cash contributions.

Other assets held in the Romneys’ trusts were managed by Goldman Sachs, which invested the Romneys’ wealth in companies including Apple, Research in Motion and Comcast.

One notable sale Goldman made on the Romneys’ behalf in 2010 was 7,000 original public offering shares of Goldman Sachs, purchased in 1999.

The Goldman shares were issued at $53 each. The family trusts held onto those shares for more than a decade, as the firm prospered, but unloaded them in December 2010, at a time when the Goldman name had became synonymous with Wall Street excess and Mr. Romney was known to be considering a second bid for the White House.

The shares sold for around $161 apiece for a total price of about $1.13 million.

Floyd Norris, Stephanie Strom and Kevin Roose contributed reporting.

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: January 24, 2012

A previous version of this article misstated the number of I.P.O. shares of Goldman Sachs that the Romneys bought in 1999; it was 7,000 shares, not 6,000. The article also misstated the share price and total when the shares were sold in 2010; the Romneys sold them for $161.45 apiece, or $1,130,123.87.

Que batalla se ha librado y ganado en el mundo diciendo estoy a favor del consenso?