lundi 31 octobre 2011

Money, monetary policy and cash...

The magic money tree

Oct 31st 2011, 12:37 by Buttonwood

IT IS hardly surprising that the markets are having second thoughts about last week's euro zone rescue deal. The scale of the relief rally on Thursday was surely prompted by the fact that some deal was done, not by the (sketchy) details of the deal itself.

Take the three aspects of the deal - Greek debt write-down, bank recapitalisation and the boosting of the firepower of the EFSF. On Greece, a 50% writedown of debt is what many people had called for. But this is just a write-down of private sector debt (even then it's not clear whether this can be achieved on a voluntary basis). A lot of Greek debt is now owned by official bodies who are not willing to take a write-down at all. So Greece will still be left with an 120% debt-to-GDP ratio by 2020, a level that looks unsustainable. The word "solution" hardly seems to apply.

Any Greek write-down would hit the banks which is why recapitalisation is needed. But the €106.5 billion being raised is a lot less than others thought necessary (including the IMF). Nor is it clear from whom the money will be raised or whether the capital ratio will be boosted instead by banks shrinking their balance sheets, a development that would be unhelpful for the European economy.

So we turn to the EFSF. Here is the biggest problem facing European leaders; they want to let Greece default and to stand behind Italy and Spain, without making a specific pledge that would upset their domestic voters.

The EU leaders really desire a magic "money tree" which would come up with a new source of wealth to deal with this issue. The French hoped that the European Central Bank would act as the tree, guaranteeing all Italian and Spanish debt. The Germans vetoed the idea. Of course, the ECB has no "wealth" of its own; European governments stand behind it. So an ECB bailout would be another back-door way of having the rest of the euro-zone support Italy and Spain, but without telling the voters. (The hope was that such an ECB commitment would act as a bazooka that did not need to be used. By itself, ECB backing might push down Italian and Spanish yields and eliminate the funding problem.)

So how to gear up the EFSF without a huge and explicit governmental commitment? The answer was to come up with two complex structures, either an insurance scheme or a special purpose investment vehicle (SPIV). Again, EU politicians were trying to dance round the problem of where the losses might fall. If the weak EU countries pay a market rate for insurance, they may be no better off than before; the insurance cost would offset the lower yield they would pay on the bonds. And if the strong EU nations bear the loss, then their own credit ratings might be affected (notably France's AAA).

The idea of the SPIV was to get in outside money (from, say, China) to act as the money tree. But the Chinese are (quite logically, from their point of view) likely to drive a hard bargain. They have no desire to bear the losses. They may well demand that the strong European nations guarantee repayment. But if they do so, that leaves the Europeans bearing any losses (and thus back where they started). If the Europeans have to agree political concessions as well, this seems like a very bad bargain.

The big lesson from last week is that European governments could not (or would not) sort out the problem on their own. It is hard to see why this was a desperately bullish sign. The bond markets seem already to have seen through the plan; Italian ten-year bonds now yield 6.18% and are close to a record spread over German bunds.

vendredi 28 octobre 2011

Democracy in Africa...

Los caudillos africanos se eternizan

La polémica reelección de Paul Biya como presidente de Camerún tras 29 años en el gobierno pone de relieve la vehemencia con la que se aferran al poder los dirigentes africanos

El presidente de Camerún, Paul Biya en la ONU. / EFE

Paul Biya, quien ya era presidente, ha sido declarado vencedor en las elecciones en Camerún con un 77,9 por cien del voto y entre las críticas de observadores internacionales, para quienes los comicios no han sido justos. Con esta victoria, Biya añadirá siete años más a los 29 que ya lleva como presidente de este país.

Biya es uno de los llamados ‘dinosaurios’ africanos, un conjunto de líderes que llevan décadas en el poder en varios países de este continente, han envejecido en sus puestos y no parecen dispuestos a abandonarlos.

A estos líderes se los conoce por sus lujosos estilos de vida, muy alejados de los de la inmensa mayoría de las poblaciones de sus países, y por una escasa labor política a pesar de su cargos. Paul Biya pasa la mayor parte del tiempo fuera de Camerún, uno de los países más corruptos del mundo, y apenas participó en la campaña electoral de estos comicios.

Los dinosaurios más longevos son Teodoro Obiang, de Guinea Ecuatorial, y el angoleño José Eduardo dos Santos: ambos llevan 32 años como presidentes. Les sigue muy de cerca Robert Mugabe en Zimbabue, con 31 años en el poder, y el propio Biya en Camerún, que lleva 29 años y podrá llegar a los 36 tras estas elecciones. Después aparece Yoweri Museveni, líder en Uganda desde hace 25 años y que en febrero ganó unas elecciones que le otorgan otros cinco años como presidente.

Las elecciones presidenciales en Camerún, tal y como ocurrió con las ugandesas, han seguido un guion común a otros países de África. La oposición denuncia fraudes y acoso durante la campaña electoral. Los comicios se celebran sin una gran participación. Durante el recuento, la oposición acusa al gobierno de haber robado las elecciones y observadores internacionales señalan irregularidades en el proceso. Finalmente, el que ya era presidente es declarado vencedor y extiende su mandato.

“En África, los presidentes no pierden las elecciones, hacen lo que sea para aferrarse al poder ”, comenta Godfrey Mwampembwa, “Gado”, un reconocido humorista gráfico keniano. Cuando hace unas semanas en Zambia ocurrió lo excepcional y el presidente perdió las elecciones, Gado publicó una viñeta en el periódico de mayor tirada en Kenia que describía gráficamente la situación.

En ella, Rupiah Banda, que acababa de perder las elecciones en Zambia, era perseguido por algunos de los dinosaurios africanos como Mugabe, Dos Santos o Museveni, armados con un rifle y hasta con un lanzagranadas. En la viñeta, los perseguidores gritan a Banda: “Lo tenías todo, la policía, el ejército… Controlabas la comisión electoral… ¡Y aun así pierdes! ¡Eres una **** desgracia…!”

“Quería ridiculizar el hecho de que aquí está este ‘club’ de líderes que trabajan tan duro para robar elecciones y mantenerse en el poder e imagina la situación en que uno de ellos tira todo eso por la borda”, describe Gado.

Aunque no es un fenómeno que se dé únicamente en África, sí es éste el continente en el que más abundan los dinosaurios políticos. “Tras la independencia de los países africanos en los 50 y 60, los partidos degeneraron hacia maquinarias al servicio de un hombre o en mecanismos de acceso y control de la riqueza basados en una particular etnia”, explica por email Malik Azaad, cuyo nombre es en realidad un seudónimo que utilizan en común los autores de la página web African Dictator, que compila e informa sobre los líderes africanos no democráticos.

Azaad pide el anonimato y relata cómo su sitio web ha sufrido ataques informáticos y recibido amenazas incluso de muerte, sobre todo procedentes de Guinea Ecuatorial, Ruanda y Uganda.

La tremenda desigualdad imperante en la mayoría de los países del África subsahariana y el hecho de que controlar el Estado es la única garantía de acceso a la riqueza son las razones por las que algunos de estos líderes tratan de eternizarse en el poder, según coinciden los expertos. “Cuando eres presidente, es fácil olvidar el dolor y los problemas de la miseria absoluta”, dice Ayodele Aderinwale, director ejecutivo del Africa Leadership Forum. “Y cuando lo has sido durante demasiado tiempo, no puedes imaginar ni entender cómo un padre puede ver la vida desaparecer de su hijo de seis años porque no puede permitirse cinco dólares para comprar un tratamiento anti malaria”.

Además del culto a la personalidad que estos líderes construyen a su alrededor, también juegan un papel importante sus familiares, amigos y toda la corte de aduladores que dependen del dinosaurio para huir de la realidad en la que vive la mayoría de la población en estos países. “Las esposas de los dictadores tienen un rol muy importante: Grace Mugabe, Jeannette Kagame, Chantal Biya, Janet Museveni son reinas acostumbradas a una vida de lujos increíbles que no podían ni soñar cuando eran pobres”, añade Malik Azaad. “Ahora no pueden imaginar la vida sin aviones privados, hoteles de lujo, mansiones y vivir a lo grande”.

Como ejemplo, el mes pasado, la policía francesa se incautó en París de 11 coches de súper lujo por valor de 5,7 millones de euros y pertenecientes a Teodorín Obiang, hijo del presidente de Guinea Ecuatorial. Las autoridades encontraron los coches durante una redada en la casa parisina de Teodorín, valorada en 17,8 millones de euros.

Sin embargo, en Guinea Ecuatorial, más del 70 por cien de la población vive con menos de dos dólares al día (1,4 euros), a pesar de tratarse de un país rico en petróleo y con un PIB per cápita similar al español. Mientras el dinosaurio, su familia y todo su círculo de acólitos viven “la vida a lo grande” y disfrutan de un poder casi absoluto, parece que la población de estos países poco puede hacer para avanzar en reformas democráticas.

“Las opciones que quedan son revueltas como las del norte de África o revoluciones violentas para eliminar a los dictadores”, señala Azaad. “Pero por el momento estas cartas no están sobre la mesa: las poblaciones mayoritariamente campesinas del África subsahariana no podrían rebelarse, ya les supone un gran esfuerzo el mero hecho de sobrevivir”.

De hecho, y antes de las revoluciones al norte del Sáhara, el líder indiscutible de los dinosaurios africanos era el ahora difunto Muamar el Gadafi, líder libio durante 42 años. También ocupaba un puesto destacado el expresidente egipcio Hosni Mubarak, que llevaba 30 años en el puesto antes de renunciar este año obligado por la revolución en Egipto.

“Occidente es al mismo tiempo una parte muy importante del problema y otra parte muy relevante para solucionarlo”, señala Aderinwale del Africa Leadership Forum. “Claro que los africanos somos responsables de nuestros males, pero occidente siempre ha dado apoyo entre bastidores y ha animado de forma encubierta a los dinosaurios, aunque sólo se quejan cuando sus creaciones se convierten en Frankenstein”.

mardi 25 octobre 2011

Banana republic a la USA...

Top Earners Doubled Share of Nation’s Income, Study Says

WASHINGTON — The top 1 percent of earners more than doubled their share of the nation’s income over the last three decades, theCongressional Budget Office said Tuesday, in a new report likely to figure prominently in the escalating political fight over how to revive the economy, create jobs and lower the federal debt.

Hans Pennink/Associated Press

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In addition, the report said, government policy has become less redistributive since the late 1970s, doing less to reduce the concentration of income.

“The equalizing effect of federal taxes was smaller” in 2007 than in 1979, as “the composition of federal revenues shifted away from progressive income taxes to less-progressive payroll taxes,” the budget office said.

Also, it said, federal benefit payments are doing less to even out the distribution of income, as a growing share of benefits, like Social Security, goes to older Americans, regardless of their income.

The report, requested several years ago, was issued as lawmakers tussle over how to reduce unemployment, a joint committee of Congress weighs changes in the tax code and protesters around the country rail against disparities in income between rich and poor.

In its report, the budget office found that from 1979 to 2007, average inflation-adjusted after-tax income grew by 275 percent for the 1 percent of the population with the highest income. For others in the top 20 percent of the population, average real after-tax household income grew by 65 percent.

By contrast, the budget office said, for the poorest fifth of the population, average real after-tax household income rose 18 percent.

And for the three-fifths of people in the middle of the income scale, the growth in such household income was just under 40 percent.

The findings, based on a rigorous analysis of data from the Internal Revenue Service and the Census Bureau, are generally consistent with studies by some private researchers and academic economists. But because they carry the imprimatur of the nonpartisan budget office, they are likely to have a major impact on the debate in Congress over the fairness of federal tax and spending policies.

Also cited as factors contributing to the rapid growth of income at the top were the structure of executive compensation; high salaries for some “superstars” in sports and the arts; the increasing size of the financial services industry; and the growing role of capital gains, which go disproportionately to higher-income households.

The report found that higher-income households got a larger share of the pie, while other households got smaller shares.

Specifically the report made these points:

¶ The share of after-tax household income for the top 1 percent of the population more than doubled, climbing to 17 percent in 2007 from nearly 8 percent in 1979.

¶ The most affluent fifth of the population received 53 percent of after-tax household income in 2007, up from 43 percent in 1979. In other words, the after-tax income of the most affluent fifth exceeded the income of the other four-fifths of the population.

¶ People in the lowest fifth of the population received about 5 percent of after-tax household income in 2007, down from 7 percent in 1979.

¶ People in the middle three-fifths of the population saw their shares of after-tax income decline by 2 to 3 percentage points from 1979 to 2007.

The study was requested by Senators Max Baucus, Democrat of Montana and chairman of the Finance Committee, and Charles E. Grassley of Iowa, when he was the senior Republican on the panel.

Representative Sander M. Levin of Michigan, the senior Democrat on the Ways and Means Committee, said the report was “the latest evidence of the alarming rise in income inequality.”

House Republicans pushed back Tuesday against President Obama’s complaint that they were blocking bills to create jobs. Speaker John A. Boehner said he agreed with Mr. Obama’s new slogan, “we can’t wait,” and he said that 15 House-passed bills were “sitting over in the Senate, waiting for action.”

On Tuesday, the White House endorsed another bill, which is likely to be passed by the House this week with bipartisan support. The bill would repeal a requirement for federal, state and local government agencies to withhold 3 percent of certain payments to suppliers of goods and services and to deposit the money with the Internal Revenue Service.

This requirement was originally adopted as a tax-compliance measure, and the Congressional Budget Office said its repeal would reduce federal revenues by $11 billion over 10 years.

House Republicans would offset the cost with a bill that reduces federal spending onMedicaid and health insurance subsidies under the 2010 health care law. The White House said it supported the bill, intended to fix an apparent error in the law, under which hundreds of thousands of middle-income early retirees can get Medicaid coverage meant for the poor.

The joint Congressional committee on deficit reduction is considering changes in a wide range of benefit programs.

Representative Steny H. Hoyer of Maryland, the No. 2 House Democrat, said Tuesday that he was hopeful but not entirely confident that the panel would succeed in reaching a bipartisan agreement to reduce federal deficits by $1.2 trillion over 10 years.

“Hopeful is not confident,” Mr. Hoyer said.

American suburbs: once a middle class symbol...

Outside Cleveland, Snapshots of Poverty’s Surge in the Suburbs

Dustin Franz for The New York Times

The recession and the foreclosure crisis hit the suburbs of Cleveland, like Warrensville Heights, particularly hard. More Photos »

PARMA HEIGHTS, Ohio — The poor population in America’s suburbs — long a symbol of a stable and prosperous American middle class — rose by more than half after 2000, forcing suburban communities across the country to re-evaluate their identities and how they serve their populations.

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The increase in the suburbs was 53 percent, compared with 26 percent in cities. The recession accelerated the pace: two-thirds of the new suburban poor were added from 2007 to 2010.

“The growth has been stunning,” said Elizabeth Kneebone, a senior researcher at the Brookings Institution, who conducted the analysis of census data. “For the first time, more than half of the metropolitan poor live in suburban areas.”

As a result, suburban municipalities — once concerned with policing, putting out fires and repairing roads — are confronting a new set of issues, namely how to help poor residents without the array of social programs that cities have, and how to get those residents to services without public transportation. Many suburbs are facing these challenges with the tightest budgets in years.

“The whole political class is just getting the memo that Ozzie and Harriet don’t live here anymore,” said Edward Hill, dean of the Levin College of Urban Affairs at Cleveland State University.

This shift has helped redefine the image of the suburbs. “The suburbs were always a place of opportunity — a better school, a bigger house, a better job,” said Scott Allard, an associate professor at the University of Chicago who focuses on social welfare policy and poverty. “Today, that’s not as true as the popular mythology would have us believe.”

Since 2000, the poverty roll has increased by five million in the suburbs, with large rises in metropolitan areas as different as Colorado Springs and Greensboro, N.C. Over the decade, Midwestern suburbs ranked high; recently, the rise has been sharpest in communities the housing collapse hit the hardest, like Cape Coral, Fla., and Riverside, Calif., according to the Brookings analysis.

Nearly 60 percent of Cleveland’s poor, once concentrated in its urban core, now live in its suburbs, up from 46 percent in 2000. Nationwide, 55 percent of the poor population in metropolitan areas is now in the suburbs, up from 49 percent.

Poverty is new in Parma Heights, a quiet suburb of cul-de-sacs and clipped lawns, and asking for help can be hard. The Parma Heights Food Pantry, which began serving several dozen families a month in 2006, and now helps 260, draws a stream of casualties from the moribund economy. Many never needed food relief before.

Like Mary W., 59, who has worked all her life, most recently at a tire company in Cleveland, and was always the one to remind colleagues to donate to charity. Now she is the one who receives it.

When she first came to the pantry, “I cried my eyes out,” said Mary, who asked that her last name not be used because she did not want her children to know about her financial troubles.

At Vineyard Community Church in Wickliffe, another Cleveland suburb, Brent Paulson, the pastor, said he had to post an employee in the driveway the day the church’s food bank was open to coax people inside, they were so ashamed to ask for help.

In a sign of just how far the economic distress had spread, one volunteer saw his former boss come to the pantry, Mr. Paulson said.

The Cleveland Food Bank, which serves six counties, doubled its distribution between 2005 and 2010. “There’s this sense of surprise,” said Anne Goodman, the director, “this feeling that this has got to be a mistake. It has got to be a bad dream.”

Calls to the United Way social services hot line from suburban areas in northeast Ohio more than doubled from 2005 to 2010, outstripping the increase in cities. “We are seeing a rise in need in places we never expected it,” said Stephen Wertheim, director of the hotline, First Call for Help.

Poverty has been growing in the suburbs for years — along with the population. But the 53 percent increase in poverty far outstripped the 14 percent population increase in the past decade, speeding the change in their status as upper-middle-class enclaves. They have been attracting immigrants following construction jobs and families from cities seeking inexpensive housing as suburbs aged.

Federal vouchers to get poor people into private housing also contributed, Ms. Kneebone said. Cleveland was No. 15 among the country’s top 100 metropolitan areas for increase in suburban share of vouchers.

Urban problems have appeared. In Penn Hills, a suburb of Pittsburgh where people have always driven, poor residents walking near yards and bus stops have created trouble with litter, said Alexandra Murphy, a Princeton doctoral student studying suburban poverty.

Warrensville Heights, a suburb southeast of Cleveland, was pristine when Fran Matthews moved there in 1987, with good schools, manicured lawns and middle-class neighbors, she said. Now for-sale signs dot overgrown yards. Break-ins are on the rise, though crime is still far lower than in the city. Over all, the suburban poverty rate — 11.4 percent in 2010 — is still far below the city rate of 20.9 percent, according to Ms. Kneebone.

“Now when you come home, you have to look around before you get out of the car,” Ms. Matthews said.

The changes have affected the school system, she said, and her grandson now attends acharter school in Cleveland.

The double punch of the recession and the foreclosure crisis — which hit Cleveland and its suburbs particularly hard — has dragged middle-class people down the income ladder. As defined by the Census Bureau, the poverty line for a family of four was $22,314 last year.

“This community is middle class, but right on the line,” said Brad Sellers, a retired professional basketball player who grew up in Warrensville Heights and is running for mayor. “Any dramatic downturn can send you over the edge.”

The unemployment rate among black Americans was 16 percent in September, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics — nearly double the national rate, a painful statistic in a suburb that is majority black.

“Where’s that 9 percent?” Mr. Sellers asked. “Not here.”

Some communities resist the idea that poverty exists. When Ann George, who runs the Parma Heights pantry with stalwart volunteers, speaks at churches and community gatherings, “I see the skepticism on people’s faces,” she said. “They say, ‘This is Parma Heights, not Cleveland.’ ”

Other suburbs are adapting. In Maple Heights, Mayor Jeffrey Lansky embraced the idea of a food bank, setting aside a space for it in 2008 and having the Fire Department help renovate it. The Cuyahoga County Public Library now runs after-school homework centers with snacks from the food bank, aimed at the growing population of poor children.

Edward FitzGerald, the executive of Cuyahoga County, argued that the increase in the suburban poor population could help lead to a fundamental change in local government. For years Cleveland had most of the population — and resources — but policy should reflect the flip in favor of the county, he said.

And with the state slashing funds, counties and the suburbs they contain will have to ramp up social services and economic development on their own, many for the first time.

“You’re talking about governing systems that have never really done this before,” Mr. FitzGerald said.

Que batalla se ha librado y ganado en el mundo diciendo estoy a favor del consenso?